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Carraro, Luciana (2009) Impression formation and attitude change in political psychology: The role of negative messages. [Tesi di dottorato]

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Abstract (inglese)

The current work is aimed at implementing some research areas within Political Psychology with theories and methodologies drawn from Social Cognition. Specifically, we have tried to depict a picture of impression formation and attitude change toward political candidates following two experimental routes.
In the first session (Session A, Chapters 2, 3 and 4) the attention was focused on the analysis of the role of some communication strategies used in the political arena with a particular attention to the widespread use of negative messages against the opposing candidates (i.e., negative campaigns). The ample literature about this topic is still inconclusive (e.g., Lau et al. 1999, 2007), and it is not able to clearly indicate what are the likely consequences of negative political campaigns. The main purpose of this session was to go beyond this inconclusive condition taking into account some variables that may be the origin of the inconclusive results described in the literature. Chapter 2 (Study 1, 2, 3 and 4) was primarily focused on the likely consequences of negative messages on the perception of the source candidate. The obtained results clearly indicated the role of several variables in changing the likely consequences, such as: the specific type of negative messages used, the level of measurement (implicit vs. explicit), and the evaluated dimension of social judgment (competence vs. warmth, Fiske et al., 2002). Some negative campaigns may increase the competence ascribed to the source candidate but at the same time decrease the perceived sociability.
Subsequently, in order to assess the actual efficacy of a negative message, the focus of attention moved to the analysis of the likely consequences on the perception of both the source candidate and of the opposing candidate. Moreover, despite the consequences described in the previous studies (Chapter 2) on perceived competence and warmth, the aim was to delineate a general affective evaluation, both implicit and explicit. For these reasons, in Study 5 (Chapter 3) we analyzed the effects of negative campaigns on the general evaluation toward both the involved politicians. Overall, results delineated negative consequences for both candidates, both at the implicit level and at the explicit level. The effects were discussed and interpreted at the light of dual system models (e.g., Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2006).
Finally, in Study 6 (Chapter 4) the aim was to analyze the consequences of another type of negative campaign: an attack against the electorate, and thus toward the participant. In this case, we analyzed the consequences on the modification of the degree of identification (implicit and explicit) with our own political group. Moreover, in this last study we investigated the likely influences of some personal features of the audience. Specifically, we took into account the polarization of pre-existing implicit attitudes toward own political group. Results indicated that people with well polarized pre-existing implicit attitudes were not influenced by the content of the negative campaigns. Conversely, those with weak pre-existing implicit attitudes were strongly affected by negative messages. Moreover, in those last participants after the manipulation there was dissociation between implicit and explicit consequences, interpreted as the outcomes of two different attitude systems (Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2006).
The second session of the current work (Session B, Chapter 5 and 6) focused on the investigation of some differences between the two most important political ideologies. Specifically, in Chapter 5 we examined some differences in the communication style between the two Italian coalitions, that may have an influence in persuasive routes. In a first study (1a and 1b) the focus was on the analysis of some grammatical features, such as syntactic complexity and linguistic wordiness: right-wing candidates are less prolix and use simpler sentences as compared to left-wing politicians. Then, the focus of attention moved to the analysis of the real use of negative campaigns: the left-wing is more likely to attack single candidates, whereas the right-wing is more likely to attack the opposite coalition in general (Study 2a). Finally, we analyzed the use of negative messages during the last US presidential race (Study 2b).
In Chapter 6, because of the opposite consequences of negative campaigns on the two universal and fundamental dimensions of social judgment (competence vs. warmth, e.g. Fiske et al., 2002), we analyzed the ascription of these dimensions to left- vs. right-wing politicians. Results from Study 1 and 2 indicated that the relevance of these two dimensions changed on the basis of the political affiliation of the participants. Moreover, in general, a right-wing candidate is perceived as more competent than warm, the opposite for a left-wing candidate. Subsequently, Study 3 and 4 indicated that the described pattern of results may be detected also in some subtle qualities. Indeed, in line with the special agency bias (e.g., Chatterjee, 2002), people portrayed left-facing oriented (right from the observer point of view) are more likely described as right-wing candidates as compared to left-wing politicians.
In the last part the obtained results were discussed highlighting two key concepts emerged from the current work. On the one hand, we stressed how important is the use of indirect measures in Political Psychology in order to detect implicit attitudes. On the other hand, we stressed the role of the two dimensions of social judgment, namely competence and warmth, in impression formation processes in the political field.

Abstract (italiano)

Questo lavoro è nato dall’obiettivo di implementare alcuni ambiti di studio di Psicologia Politica con la prospettiva e la metodologia della Social Cognition. Nello specifico si è cercato di delineare un quadro dei processi di formazione e cambiamento di atteggiamento nei confronti di candidati politici seguendo due percorsi sperimentali.
Nella prima parte (Sessione A, capitoli 2, 3 e 4) l’interesse si è focalizzato sull’analisi del ruolo di alcune strategie comunicative usate nell’ambito politico con particolare attenzione ai sempre più diffusi messaggi di attacco nei confronti della controparte politica (campagne negative). La vasta letteratura sull’argomento presenta ancora dei risultati contradditori (e.g., Lau et al. 1999, 2007), e non è in grado di indicare chiaramente quali siano le possibili conseguenze di tale comunicazione. Obiettivo di questa sessione sperimentale è stato principalmente cercare di superare tale inconclusività individuando delle possibili variabili intervenienti che potrebbero esserne responsabili. Il Capitolo 2 (Studi 1, 2, 3 e 4) si è principalmente focalizzato sull’analisi delle conseguenze delle comunicazioni negative sulla percezione di chi le utilizza. I risultati hanno indicato l’importanza di diversi fattori nel diversificare le conseguenze; in particolare è stata evidenziata la necessità di distinguere tra diversi tipi di messaggi negativi, inoltre una dissociazione tra livello implicito ed esplicito di valutazione, nonché differenze legate alle specifiche dimensioni di giudizio sociale prese in considerazione (competenza vs. socievolezza). Certe campagne negative possono portare ad un aumento della competenza attribuita alla fonte, ma ad una contemporanea diminuzione della sua socievolezza percepita.
In seguito, per stabilire l’effettiva efficacia di un messaggio di tipo negativo, l’attenzione si è spostata anche sull’analisi delle conseguenze non solo sul candidato fonte ma anche sul candidato attaccato. Inoltre, al di là degli effetti individuati dagli studi precedenti su competenza e socievolezza percepite, si è cercato di prendere in considerazione un indice di valutazione affettiva generale, sia implicita che esplicita. Per questi motivi, nello Studio 5 (Capitolo 3) sono stati analizzati gli effetti che le campagne negative possono avere su una valutazione generale di piacevolezza rispetto ai due candidati coinvolti. I risultati hanno evidenziato conseguenze negative per entrambi i candidati sia a livello implicito che esplicito, interpretate e discusse alla luce delle teorie dei sistemi duali di atteggiamento (e.g., Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2006).
Infine, nello Studio 6 (Capitolo 4) l’obiettivo è stato analizzare le conseguenze di un’altra tipologia di campagna negativa: un attacco nei confronti dell’elettorato e quindi un attacco rivolto al partecipante stesso. In questo caso sono state esaminate le conseguenze sulla modificazione del livello di identificazione (implicita ed esplicita) con il gruppo politico di appartenenza. Inoltre, in quest’ultimo studio sono state indagate eventuali modulazioni degli effetti dovute a caratteristiche proprie delle persone a cui sono diretti tali messaggi, nel caso specifico alla forza degli atteggiamenti impliciti pre-esistenti rispetto al proprio gruppo politico. Dallo studio è emerso che chi ha atteggiamenti impliciti pre-esistenti molto polarizzati non si lascia influenzare dalle campagne negative. Al contrario, coloro che presentano degli atteggiamenti impliciti pre-esistenti deboli sono fortemente influenzati dai messaggi negativi. Inoltre, questi stessi partecipanti hanno presentato una dissociazione tra conseguenze a livello implicito ed esplicito, spiegabili nuovamente come prodotti di due diversi sistemi di atteggiamento (Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2006).
Nella seconda parte di questo lavoro (Sessione B, capitoli 5 e 6) sono state prese in esame alcune differenze tra le due più diffuse ideologie politiche. In particolare nel Capitolo 5 sono state analizzate delle differenze comunicative tra le due coalizioni politiche italiane che possono avere un peso nei processi persuasivi. In un primo studio (1a e 1b) l’interesse si è focalizzato su caratteristiche puramente grammaticali, di complessità sintattica del discorso e di prolissità linguistica: i rappresentati del centro-destra sono meno prolissi e usano una strutturazione delle frasi meno complessa dei loro colleghi di centro-sinistra. Successivamente, il focus si è spostato sull’utilizzo delle campagne negative: il centro-sinistra sembra preferire un attacco nei confronti dei singoli candidati, mentre il centro-destra sembra preferire un attacco più generalizzato (Studio 2a). Infine, è stato analizzato l’utilizzo di strategie negative nelle recenti elezioni americane (Studio 2b).
Nel sesto capitolo, visti gli effetti del tutto divergenti delle campagne negative sulle due dimensioni universali e fondamentali di giudizio sociale (competenza e socievolezza, e.g. Fiske et al., 2002), è stata analizzata l’attribuzione di tali dimensioni a candidati di centro-destra e di centro-sinistra. Dagli studi 1 e 2 è emerso che l’importanza delle due dimensioni varia in base all’affiliazione politica del rispondente; inoltre, in generale, un candidato del centro-destra viene descritto più competente che socievole, l’opposto per un candidato del centro-sinistra. Successivamente, dagli studi 3 e 4 si è dimostrato come questa differenza si rifletta e venga confermata anche da elementi più sottili. Infatti, in linea con il bias spaziale (e.g., Chatterjee, 2002), le persone ritratte con il viso rivolto verso la propria sinistra (destra dell’osservatore) vengono descritte come più probabili candidati del centro-destra piuttosto che del centro-sinistra.
Nella parte conclusiva i risultati ottenuti sono stati discussi sottolineando due aspetti chiave emersi dal presente lavoro. Da un lato il vantaggio che può essere apportato dall’utilizzo di tecniche di indagine meno dirette nel campo della Psicologia Politica, in grado di tracciare gli atteggiamenti impliciti. Dall’altro, l’importanza delle due dimensioni di valutazione, ovvero competenza e socievolezza, nella formazione di impressioni nel dominio politico.

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Tipo di EPrint:Tesi di dottorato
Relatore:Castelli, Luigi Alessandro
Dottorato (corsi e scuole):Ciclo 21 > Scuole per il 21simo ciclo > SCIENZE PSICOLOGICHE > SCIENZE COGNITIVE
Data di deposito della tesi:27 Gennaio 2009
Anno di Pubblicazione:31 Gennaio 2009
Parole chiave (italiano / inglese):impression formation social cognition political communication implicit attitudes attitude change negative political campaigns
Settori scientifico-disciplinari MIUR:Area 11 - Scienze storiche, filosofiche, pedagogiche e psicologiche > M-PSI/05 Psicologia sociale
Struttura di riferimento:Dipartimenti > Dipartimento di Psicologia dello Sviluppo e della Socializzazione
Codice ID:1479
Depositato il:27 Gen 2009
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Other Sources: Cerca con Google

The comics used in page V are from two websites: Cerca con Google

http://images.google.it/imgres?imgurl=http://blogs.indystar.com/varvelblog/10242006.jpg&imgrefurl= Vai! Cerca con Google

http://blogs.indystar.com/varvelblog/archives/2006/10/bad_ads.html&usg=__xiCY3CaX5L5eBzURQj Vai! Cerca con Google

kDjb4DB9A=&h=302&w=425&sz=76&hl=it&start=6&um=1&tbnid=8rM6iA8ODx_JKM:&tbnh=90 Cerca con Google

&tbnw=126&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dcomics%2Bnegative%2Bpolitical%2Bcampaign%26um%3D1 Cerca con Google

%26hl%3Dit Cerca con Google

http://images.google.it/imgres?imgurl=http://farm3.static.flickr.com/2309/1805383449_a3b046b308.jp Vai! Cerca con Google

g&imgrefurl=http://stushietoon.blogspot.com/2007_10_01_archive.html&usg=__FK4Y6lhLUrPYfGs Vai! Cerca con Google

xC7ztJakVRtA=&h=380&w=500&sz=171&hl=it&start=4&um=1&tbnid=lBuKMPvEV8ezKM:&tbn Cerca con Google

h=99&tbnw=130&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dcomics%2Bnegative%2Bpolitical%2Bcampaign%26um% Cerca con Google

3D1%26hl%3Dit Cerca con Google

The spots analyzed in Chapter 5 are from two websites: Cerca con Google

http://pcl.stanford.edu/campaigns/2008/bogen.html Vai! Cerca con Google

http://pcl.stanford.edu/campaigns/2008/jmgen.html Vai! Cerca con Google

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